Russo-Ukrainian War - 2022 Edition - Part 9

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While Europe's assists with more modern and functioning equipment the US lags behind.

The US provided Ukraine with 31 Abrams tanks, but it only sent downgraded variants out of fear that the technology would be captured and exploited by the Russians. However, the UK provided 28 Challenger 2 tanks, and various European militaries and the Canadians sent Ukraine over 100 Leopard 2 tanks with their best kit (sensors, software and so on) to maximise their combat effectiveness for the Ukrainians. The US approach to Ukraine is best described as strategic dithering: doing enough so Ukraine doesn’t lose, but not enough to help it win.

Unfortunately, even with Ukraine slated to receive some F-16s in early 2024 out of the total of 60 pledged, these US-made fighter jets will not be a ‘silver bullet’, primarily because it will take Ukrainian pilots hundreds of hours of flight time to become proficient in combat. Much like the downgraded Abrams tanks, the Ukrainians will receive older F-16 variants (last upgraded between 2003 and 2005) which lack advanced avionics, software and sensors, and the most advanced medium-range air-to-air missiles will not be supplied until 2026. Thus, even with the addition of more airpower, the Ukrainians will not be able to field enough F-16 sorties to deter or shoot down Russian Tu-95s that attack Ukrainian cities with hypersonic air-launched ballistic missiles from a considerable standoff distance. If Washington wants improved outcomes, the dithering on properly helping, arming and training leaders in Kyiv should be unshackled from crossing Russia’s imaginary ‘red lines’. Not providing appropriate aircraft squanders the opportunity to achieve strategic ends after the decision to equip Ukrainians with F-16s sent the political signal to Russia’s leadership that Western leaders were at least willing to test that Russian red line.

The lack of Western airpower is only one of the failures of security assistance. Much of the equipment sent to Ukraine lacks crucial components. For example, over 40 US Bradley infantry fighting vehicles arrived on the front with bad batteries and poor wiring. Ukrainians near the front relayed to us that many M777 155mm howitzers arrived without the prerequisite aiming equipment. The lack of adequate maintenance and repair parts compounds the difficulties, with some Ukrainian troops telling us about US-made M-4 rifles breaking down after a week of use in the trenches. Many of these issues could have been avoided if there were sergeants doing a common-sense check of equipment before it was sent across the border into Ukraine.


There are multiple factors:
  • US elections and other internal affairs, which are taken very seriously, more than help for some war.
  • The west do not want Russia to lose, especially Putin.
    • They know him for more than 20 years and being replaced by someone is opening a new can of worms.
    • If Russia breaks into many states, it could be potentially many states with their own warlord and legacy nukes in hands of these warlords.
  • The west silently want out of this, but politically they are not allowed to back out of agreement.
 
The most powerful position in US is not the President, its the house speaker

Biden's stalled request for Ukraine aid, however, remains more in doubt.

Johnson reiterated that his chief focus is border security — despite rejecting a bipartisan Senate bill on the matter just weeks ago — a stance that further complicates the future of a Senate-passed, $95 billion foreign aid bill. And Johnson appeared to shrug off the immediate urgency of supplying needed lethal aid to Ukraine in its defense against Russia, arguing that he wants a plan to address rising southern border crossings first.

 
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