Hmm. My friend Steve, a capitalist who golfs with the black elite, says this is nonsense. ‘Zuma is charming,’ he says. ‘If he actually gets the job, things will settle down and it’ll be business as usual.’ Maybe so, but the next general election is three years away, and meanwhile government is incapable of acting against the borers in our woodwork.
Let’s look at law enforcement, one smallish aspect of the growing problem. After years of slow decline, crime surged earlier this year, with insurance companies reporting a 20 per cent rise in claims. Some blamed a strike by security guards, who took to looting shops they had previously guarded and throwing scabs off trains. Others pointed the finger at feral refugees from Zimbabwe. ‘Capacity problems’ in the police were certainly a factor, too. In the middle of all this, a convoy of expensive cars carrying senior ANC dignitaries rolled up at a prison outside Cape Town. Uniformed warders swarmed out of the gates, and the gathering turned into a revolutionary song-and-dance extravaganza in honour of Tony Yengeni, a popular ex-MP about to start serving four years for fraud.
Is this not bizarre? A politician accepts a discounted Mercedes from an arms contractor, lies about it, gets nailed — and several of the ruling party’s most prominent leaders hail him as a hero, a staggering insult to their own criminal justice apparatus. In her eagerness to charm the rabble, National Assembly Speaker Baleka Mbete went so far as to claim that Yengeni had never committed fraud, even though he pleaded guilty to same. The main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA), termed her behaviour ‘disgraceful’, but there was no retribution.
Why? Because a crackdown by Mbeki might cause figures like Mbete to defect to Zuma, who is not particularly punctilious about whom he accepts as allies. Don Mkhwanazi, for instance, got into hot water after hiring a ‘well-known crook’ to assist him in his duties as boss of the Central Energy Fund. Mkhwanazi claimed racists were defaming him, but fell silent when it emerged that his bent chum (who earned £300,000 a year) was channelling money into a bank account that paid Mkhwanazi’s mortgage in a posh Jo’burg suburb. Mkhwanazi resigned in disgrace. Today he is a trustee of Zuma’s unofficial election campaign.
My pal Steve says one shouldn’t take such things too seriously, noting that respectable people have also cast their lot with Zuma. Maybe so, but Zuma’s core supporters are scary. The other day they put on a spectacular display at a conclave of Cosatu, South Africa’s mighty Congress of Trade Unions. Whenever an incumbent cabinet member appeared, delegates rose to their feet, waving red flags and chanting, ‘Tell us, what has Zuma done?’ One minister was jeered off the podium. The deputy state president was ‘humiliated and degraded’ by hecklers, who went on to sing, ‘It is better for us to take over this country, we will go with the Communists.’ President Mbeki wisely kept his distance, but they had a song for him too: ‘We will kill this big ugly dog for Zuma.’
Alas, poor Thabo. I’m no great fan of our remote and autocratic president, but the charges emanating from the red brigade — ‘betraying the poor’ and ‘tolerating inequality’ — are asinine. A former communist, Mbeki saw the light in the late 1980s and cajoled his comrades into a historic compromise with capitalism. His saturnine manipulation of business and labour led to a massively increased tax harvest, which in turn financed the creation of a welfare state, with 11 million poor now receiving subsistence grants of one sort or another. This is amazing. A welfare state in Africa!
Unfortunately, such goodies are the fruits of gradualism, and I can’t see us staying the course. Jacob Zuma wants the big job, so he promised to resurrect the ANC’s revolutionary tradition, whereupon the movement’s most dedicated activists immediately rallied to his standard. As I see it, the only way for Mbeki loyalists to block Zuma is by promising even more loot to the masses, and once they do that, Zuma will surely move even further leftward. Nobody (save DA leader Tony Leon, who is white and therefore irrelevant) is going to stand up and say, ‘Sorry, folks, this isn’t the answer, we have to work harder, exercise self-discipline and bring white technocrats back into government so as to make things work again.’
And besides, if by some miracle Mr Leon started swaying the electorate, would our rulers put up with it? The ANC dominates almost everything else, but it has never won an election here in Cape Town. This enrages the city’s black power faction, which has prevailed upon the ANC to oust DA Mayor Helen Zille and impose a multi-party government. The stated reason for this initiative, launched two weeks ago, is that Zille’s coalition is weak and unstable. Maybe so, but we all know it’s really a power grab, inspired at least in part by fears that Africa’s last white- and Creole-controlled city will continue to prosper while all else hurtles into a black hole of dysfunctionality. What can we do? Some in the ruling party have a peculiar view of democracy. They see it as a system designed to put themselves in power. If voters fail to understand this, their mistakes must be corrected by fiat.
No, there won’t be civil war. Whites are finished. According to a recent study, one in six of us has left since the ANC took over, and those who remain know their place. For apartheid-era law and order minister Adriaan Vlok, this turned out to be on his knees, washing the feet of those he sinned against during the struggle. Truly! He carried a briefcase and a basin into various government buildings and performed acts of abject contrition in public. No doubt Mr Vlok’s bones were warning him to repent before the end came.
Ah well. Let’s look on the bright side. Osama bin Laden has no beef with us, we are not sinking into a Mesopotamian quagmire and the weather is wonderful in summer. Anyone want a house here?