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Warning: Graphic footage....
http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=f27_1392642337
Odd the YouTube video has been removed. I wonder why they aren't hosting it locally?
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Warning: Graphic footage....
http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=f27_1392642337
Children are reportedly targeted by Christian anti-balaka gangs set up in wake of attacks by Muslim Seleka rebels.
They brought in the bodies one by one, laying them down on a white sheet concealed behind a flimsy black curtain. Among them was a man, probably in his 20s, his head twisted leftward, the skull dented on one side and cracked open on the other. The others also had fatal head injuries that stained the sheet crimson. The first flies began settling on the five corpses.
In the courtyard outside, voices were raised in anger and bewilderment. Mothers in pink and purple hijabs sobbed and wailed and a middle-aged man, possibly unused to naked shows of emotion, sat and gently wept. Finally the iron gate of the mosque was thrown open and the mourners surged forward to gaze at the dead. An imam, donning a plastic smock over his white robe, prepared to wash them while another man began cutting cotton shrouds for the day's burials.
The macabre scene in an area known as PK5 has become almost commonplace in Bangui, the humid and decaying capital of the Central African Republic (CAR), where Muslims are under siege. It has also been played out in towns and villages in the west of the country, redrawing the demographic map.
Muslims came here to trade in the early 19th century and made up 15% of the CAR's population a year ago, but since then untold thousands have been killed or displaced or have fled to neighbouring countries. The UN said last week that while 130,000 to 145,000 Muslims normally lived in the capital, Bangui, the population had been reduced to around 10,000 in December and now stood at just 900.
Amnesty International has called it "ethnic cleansing" and warned of a "Muslim exodus of historic proportions".
As Africa prepares to mark next month's 20th anniversaries of the Rwandan genocide and the end of South African apartheid, what is happening in this long-neglected state is a reminder that forgiveness and reconciliation are easy words but hewn from rock over generations. Christian militias freely admit that theirs is an exercise in vengeance, an eye for an eye, and they will not stop until they have "cleaned" the country of Muslims. On Monday, UN human rights investigators in CAR announced they would investigate reports of genocide.
The seeds were sown in March last year when the Seleka, a largely Muslim rebel group, seized Bangui in a coup, installed the country's first Muslim president, Michel Djotodia, and terrorised the majority Christian population, killing men, women and children. In response, predominantly Christian forces known as the anti-balaka (balaka means machete in Sango, the local language) launched counterattacks against the Seleka and perceived Muslim collaborators.
International pressure forced Djotodia to step down in January and soon the Seleka, who once strutted confidently about the capital, were retreating north where they continue to persecute Christians. But as the anti-balaka gained the advantage elsewhere, village after village lost its Muslim population, their homes looted and mosques razed to the ground. The turning of the tide has left many Muslims feeling bitter towards French peacekeepers and the new president, Catherine Samba-Panza, a Christian.
Bangui neighbourhoods such as PK5, once thriving with Muslim businesses, now resemble ghost towns. On a recent Tuesday afternoon, hundreds of market stalls and small shops were empty and deserted as a body lay in the road and gun-toting African peacekeepers patrolled in an armoured vehicle. Down side streets there were vehicles piled high with personal belongings. It is estimated that the Muslim population has dropped from around 7,000 to just 1,000 here.
At the mosque where the five bodies lay, there was rage, coupled with confusion over whether the anti-balaka or Burundian peacekeepers were responsible for the deaths. "It is happening every day," said Abdouraman Saudi, 45, who has lost numerous businesses. "If you're Muslim and you try to leave PK5, you're a dead man. It's a prison."
He vowed: "For me, it's finished. From today, we will not be the victims because we will attack the Christians. We are going to defend ourselves. From today with the international community, we don't care. We are not protected by them so we will attack them also."
In another largely Muslim neighbourhood, PK12, families camp out in grass and mud with buckets, carpets, mattresses, discarded rubbish, cooking pots over charcoal fires and a constant fear of lobbed grenades. Convoys that try to get out of here must run the gauntlet of taunting Christian mobs. In one incident, a Muslim who fell from a vehicle was summarily lynched. In another, five children suffocated in an overcrowded truck and were found dead when the convoy arrived at Bangui's military airport.
Ibrahim Alawad, 55, a lawyer, pointed to a trench and fresh burial mounds and said he had buried a 22-year-old student hours earlier. The area's population had shrunk from 25,000 people six months ago to 2,700 today, he said, while four mosques had been destroyed. "They're not killing the Muslims, they're sweeping them. Imagine someone wants to kill you, roast you on the fire and eat you. It's the hell of the hell. There are no living conditions here."
French peacekeepers stood by at a near checkpoint but there was growing Muslim hostility towards them too. "Our problem is the French," Alawad said. "They are the white anti-balaka. It's like Rwanda, they want to do it again, but we won't let them."
No amount of Muslim suffering appears to elicit mercy from the anti-balaka, who believe they are meeting a fitting punishment for the crimes of the Seleka. Dr Jean Chrysostome Gody, director of the country's sole paediatric hospital, which is supported by Unicef, recalled: "I saw mothers whose children had been killed or injured and they had hate in their heart."
As the anti-balaka responded, he added, children were no longer caught in the crossfire but deliberately targeted. "There were bullets in the heads and chests of children. It's not possible they were there by accident. It's as if people are trying to finish off another race. It's about extreme revenge and it's brutal."
One anti-balaka base is nicknamed "Boeing" because it is within close sight and sound of air traffic at Bangui airport. In a clearing shaded by trees amid modest mudbrick houses, six of the militia men sprawled on two squashy sofas. One wore a Barcelona football shirt with the name Messi on the back; another carried a bow and arrow; several had machetes. When a French patrol comes to disarm them every few days, they hide their weapons in the bush.
Forgiveness is not in the lexicon here. Sebastien Wenezoui, 32, a civil engineer, said he helped instigate the anti-balaka after his parents and brothers were killed by the Seleka and their house torched. "I was shocked. Today you can see my feelings in what I'm doing now. I had to express myself. If you were me, would you be comfortable with those things?"
Asked if he felt this justified the killing of innocent women and children, Wenezoui replied: "For me it's a response to what the Seleka have done. They started killing our children and wives and destroyed our homes. Revenge is good sometimes and bad sometimes. But we have to do it."
Wenezoui expressed no regrets about the Muslim exodus. "I'm not sad at all because when Seleka took power the Muslims, who were our best friends, were the ones destroying the houses and killing people. It's a kind of lesson. They acted like betrayers so they have to go and learn something and come back with respectful behaviour."
Yet sitting with Wenezoui and his colleagues was a Muslim: Ibrahim Amadou, 22, who said he joined the anti-balaka after his wife, three children, parents and seven siblings were shot dead by the Seleka. He still prays on Fridays but does so at home because fellow Muslims would recognise him at a mosque.
"I cannot give all the details of what I'm doing," said Amadou, wearing an array of animal skin and leather charms around his neck and shoulders that he believes make him invisible to enemies. "I'm working for the country. A soldier is a soldier: he cannot give his secrets."
Nearby, there is no sign of respite for tens of thousands of people squatting outside the international airport, fearful of going home in a city where the Red Cross said more than 10 people were killed in February, some found with their genitals stuffed in their mouths, and where grenades are said to be available at street markets for 250 CFA (31p) and Kalashnikov rifles for 10,000-15,000 CFA (£12-£18). There is a threat of the country splitting in two, and a fully fledged UN peacekeeping mission may be required to stop it.
Link.Strife-weary CAR nostalgic for bloody 'emperor'
In the nightmare of the strife-torn Central African Republic, many citizens have begun to long for the "good old days" of Jean-Bedel Bokassa, the emperor who became infamous for his brutality yet worked economic wonders in their eyes.
Some residents of the capital Bangui are openly nostalgic for the Bokassa era, which lasted from his military coup in 1966 until his overthrow in 1979, two years after a hugely extravagant coronation when the former soldier proclaimed himself emperor.
His fans point to his legacy in public works, including buildings, electricity supplies and transport, neglected by his successors in one of Africa's poorest countries.
"Kolingba came, he built nothing. Patasse came, he built nothing. Bozize came, he built nothing. Djotodia came, he built nothing," Daniel Nganazouri said, reeling off the names of successive presidents.
Then he simply pointed around. "But that building there, the tar on the road and even that electricity pylon, they were Bokassa's work. Even if he was a thief, he did a lot of good."
A group of young people listening in voiced their approval -- though it was not unanimous.
"Fine, but he was still a dictator," said one of them, Faustin.
Jean-Bedel Bokassa was born in a village in 1921 and named after a saint, Jean Baptiste de la Salle.
He became a rifleman in the French colonial army in 1931 and quit in 1962, after attaining the rank of captain and serving in Indochina and Algeria.
Still a soldier in the newly independent Central African Republic, Bokassa seized power on New Year's Eve 1965, proclaiming justice and equality for all.
But during his long rule he became infamous for brutality, torture and summary executions.
He was also seen as a stalwart backer of France's sometimes meddling activities in its former African colonies.
Dubbed "a trooper" by France's Charles de Gaulle, Bokassa declared himself president for life and marshal of the army.
He also converted to Islam before organising a coronation modelled on that of Napoleon I, at an estimated cost of $20 million.
No heads of state attended the ceremony, but France was represented by a government minister.
Two of the six French horses brought in to haul the imperial carriage died in the equatorial heat, but guests were offered 60,000 bottles of champagne and Burgundy wine.
Then-French president Valery Giscard d'Estaing, who enjoyed hunting gazelles and other wildlife, developed close ties with Bokassa.
However, when revelations emerged that Giscard had accepted diamonds from his African friend, the scandal contributed to his electoral defeat in 1981, when Francois Mitterand and the Socialist party swept to power in France.
"People were paid under Bokassa. The Central African army was stable and even set an example for other African countries," said a waiter at the decaying Hotel Oubabangui.
Today, the CAR's army is in tatters, undermined by decades of mutinies and rebellions.
After more than a year of ethnic and religious violence that has claimed thousands of lives the troops trying to restore order come from other African countries and France.
The crisis erupted in March 2013 when the mainly Muslim rebels of the Seleka alliance overthrew the government.
They installed their leader, Michel Djotodia, as head of state, but he stepped down last January under international pressure, accused of failing to halt the spiral of violence between the Muslim minority and the Christian majority, with atrocities on all sides.
"I was too young under Bokassa, but my father spoke well of him to me, saying that he was a good president and a true nationalist," said the director of the national museum in Bangui, Albertine Ouaboua, in an office with neither a door nor windows.
Like the rest of the premises, the room was badly damaged in recent strife and the museum is closed.
Ouaboua has not been paid for five months, but like countless others who have scraped by with no salary, she goes to work for fear of being sacked, she said.
Dania, a diplomat's daughter and hostess, gave another perspective on Bokassa.
"He killed a lot all the same," she said.
The French intervention that ousted Bokassa in September 1979 was in part due to his notorious massacre of about 100 children five months earlier, when they refused to wear costly school uniforms.
In Bangui, with its deeply rutted streets and crumbling bridges, a number of buildings mark out bygone times, including a 20,000-seater stadium built by the Chinese and the red-brick Roman Catholic cathedral, where street sellers still offer copies of the official gazette from Bokassa's day and books on the "philosophy" of his rule.
Many supporters hold Bokassa in undying reverence.
When an AFP reporter went to Bangui in November 1996 to cover Bokassa's funeral and the latest army mutiny, the following strange exchange took place on the way out of the cathedral.
Emu, a loyal supporter of the late ruler, said: "It will be better when he comes back."
"But he's dead," the journalist answered.
"Yes, I know," Emu replied. "But it will still be better when he comes back."
More.‘West pits black against black to reap profit’
Press TV has conducted an interview with Randy Short, with the BANCO (Black Autonomy Network Community Organization) from Washington, to discuss systematic ethnic cleansing of Muslims in Central African Republic.
What follows is a rough transcription of the interview.
Press TV: Dr. Short let me understand here this overview that Julius Mbaluto gave us, it does not clearly explain what is going on with the killing of Muslims in the form and fashion that it is. I mean this country had little story of religious conflict, so that part is missing. How did this happen? I mean were the Muslims marginalized? Perhaps you can tell us what was occurring there.
Short: Well, he has been very, very factual in explaining how the conflict came in and so he is telling you that..., but what needs to be added which is not immediately made available for people to understand is that France put these young ... and others to topple the government of Bu Azizi because he began to engage in business negotiations with the Chinese, which meant that the French wanted him gone and what ended up happening..., yes, it is true that the majority of the people of the country are either Christian or they are following the traditional African religions, the people who are Muslims, many of them are from Chad or there was a history in the past where some of the people who were Muslim, engaged in slave trading of people who were not Muslim. There was some of this way back, it is not recent.
However the French, as have the British and others, have always worked to make people of color or different religions fight each other, so they can profit and this is at the heart of it.
There is not a Muslim-Christian problem per se that is deep-seated but what you see is the French using what is called a Gang-Countergang Strategy which the British used for their genocide in Kenya..., but it was called a Gang-Countergang Strategy.
This was developed in Malaysia to get Muslims and other people to kill each other when the British did not want to lose control and so this is what is happening, except in this instance the United States is trying to drive France out of all of Central Africa and they have been doing this since the 1980’s. It started with Museveni , it is with Paul Kagame and Kabila, they are all Tutsis who are being used as ethnic ... agents that are driving the French and Belgian and other interests out for America’s geopolitical strategies and to some degree the Great Britain.
‘West pits black against black to reap profit’
etc....