Dear Students,
Rhodes Must Fall (RMF) wishes to provide clarity on the events of 16
February which culminated in levels of violence against student
protestors unprecedented at UCT since 1994, and the unlawful destruction
of Shackville, a symbol of black dispossession and exclusion both within
and outside of the university, constructed to both house homeless
students and disturb the daily comfort of whiteness.
At around 3pm on Tuesday the 16th, black students occupying Shackville
were handed an unsigned document by the vice-chancellor’s watchdogs,
Francis Peterson, Anwar Mall and Russell Ally. All three are Black
members of both senior management and the newly appointed Special
Executive Task Team (SETT), whom two weeks prior had been in a period of
constructive engagement with RMF around the UCT residence crisis. This
engagement included private emails acknowledging and thanking RMF for
their help and verbal admissions that the UCT residence system is wholly
dysfunctional, accompanied by the promise that an official statement to
this effect would be released. The SETT then unashamedly proceeded to
send numerous emails to the entire university community insinuating that
RMF and #FeesMustFall, as opposed to a dysfunctional residence system,
are to blame for the residence crisis. These emails also defended the
hiring of unmarked and unlawful private security on campus for R2
million per month in the midst of the supposed shortage of funding. Such
bad faith prompted RMF to hold the position that it is the intention of
Max Price and the imperial university council to use Black bodies to do
their dirty work and avoid engaging with RMF on our demands. As a result
of this RMF has ceased all engagement with the SETT and commit to
speaking only with the vice-cancellor Max Price. This demand which was
made both publicly and via direct correspondence with UCT management.
The vice-chancellor has vehemently taken a tacit decision not respond to
this demand or agree to directly engage with students.
The document presented to the Shackville occupiers instructed RMF to
move the shack to an area that would not disrupt traffic, and contained
the threat of forced removal if this was not done by 5pm.
The events that followed the handing over of this document (which we
assert does not constitute an eviction notice of any lawful standing)
are as follows:
Black UCT students naturally gravitated in numbers to defend Shackville.
Barriers were erected at both ends of Residence Road. Tyres were burnt
in the Fuller/Smuts parking lot adjacent to Shackville around which
students gathered and sang.
A meeting was held on Marikana Memorial steps to plan a way forward.
Many had not eaten the entire day and it was decided that the students
who had been defending Shackville would peacefully enter Fuller Hall for
dinner.
After eating, students spontaneously removed old house committee group
photographs and other images and paintings upholding and glorifying
white supremacy and the legacies of colonialism and apartheid from the
walls of the dining hall and brought them into the middle of the parking
lot. They were set alight. Students then entered Smuts Hall and finally,
Marikana Memorial Hall to remove similar paintings and photographs from
the walls to be burnt. Students celebrated and sang around the fire.
Amidst the chaos the paintings of Tata Keresemose Richard Baholo were
regretfully burnt.
Police presence, which had been gradually increasing over this period,
escalated with police suiting up in riot gear and carrying rifles at the
sidelines of the gathering. Students decided that they would not provoke
the police and would continue to sing and later meet to plan the way
forward in addressing the crisis of academic, financial and residence
exclusion at UCT.
This peaceful meeting on the steps of Marikana Memorial Hall in front of
Shackville was interrupted by the sudden arrival of about 30 unmarked
private security guards. Students immediately stood up to protect
Shackville, linking arms to make a human chain around it. They were
aggressively manhandled by the private security in full view of police
officers and in the ensuing chaos, stun grenades were thrown by the
police who were still on standby. The private security proceeded to
chase students up the stairs, beating those they got their hands on.
Students were beaten and pepper sprayed by unmarked private security in
the presence of the police who stood by and observed. Some students
began to throw stones at the police and security before dispersing.
A car parked on campus was set alight by unknown individuals. During
this time, the shack was flattened by a SAPS vehicle.
Two students, one of whom had already been badly brutalised by private
security, were walking away from the site of eviction seeking medical
attention when a black SUV screeched to a halt next to them. The
students fled in opposite directions and the car gave chase to the
injured student onto the M3 highway. The student was caught and thrown
in the back of the SUV and brought back to the Shackville site - it
later emerged that he had been beaten by private security for the
duration of the journey.
Students reconvened and gathered in solidarity around their injured and
bleeding comrade who was being guarded by riot police. Many sat down in
front of the police and began singing Thina Sizwe. The police rolled a
stun grenade into the group of seated students, causing the gathered
crowd to disperse.
In an altercation between one student and a police officer, the latter
verbally abused the student and a video was taken. The student was
apprehended. It was then decided that the masses would move down to UCT
lower campus, where it had just been reported that a bus had been set
alight by unknown individuals.
At lower campus, students mobilised other students from the surrounding
residences. The police used rubber bullets and stun grenades to disperse
the crowd.
At some point in the evening, unknown individuals petrol bombed Max
Price’s office in Bremner.
Eight violent arrests were made throughout the night.
ON FORMS OF PROTEST AND VIOLENCE
The public and institutional response to these events follow an old
pattern of argumentation that resurfaces after every protest action by
Black bodies which does not fall within the parameters of the law.
Protests which do not ask for permission from those in power are
regarded as illegal and illegitimate. Indeed, legitimate protest in
post-apartheid apartheid South Africa are restricted to actions which do
not disrupt the white supremacist capitalist patriarchal status quo and
which occur on the oppressor’s terms. Effectively, legally acceptable
forms of protest are those which produce such incremental change so as
to lubricate the rainbow nation image which preserves systems of power
and inhibits the realisation of the decolonisation project. The
disproportionate brutality of state and private forces which meets
protest action, invariably causing it to escalate spontaneously, are
left out of subsequent official versions of events.
The public has framed the events of the 16th as violence on the part of
students and has centred the destruction of ‘priceless artworks’ and
‘heritage’ in the narrative. This same narrative refuses to question why
these imperialist, patriarchal and colonial symbols have not been dealt
with by the University. Management has again and again stated publicly
that it respects the right to protest except when it results in
‘criminal acts, intimidation and the violation of the rights of others’.
We understand these arguments to form part of a particular colonial
mythology which hides present structural violence and instead falsely
construes responses to this system as the greater violence. The burning
of colonial artefacts of white heritage is seen as a violent act, while
the psychological violence these inflict on Black bodies at the
university is never considered. The violence of the systematic exclusion
of black students from dignified accommodation and access to education
and the general absence of dignity which characterises Black life in
this country, is drowned out by an uncritical public outrage
at the ‘violent’ destruction of property. Such a response serves only to
sustain the violence of the status quo. This mythology of what
constitutes violence allows Management to simultaneously argue that
Black students are intimidating and violating the rights of others while
setting aggressive, brutal, private security forces on protestors.
RMF are dismayed but not surprised when the burning of private property
evokes more public outrage and accusations of violence than the
occurrence of two suicides of black students, several instances of
sexual assault and rape and the displacement of hundreds of students
from dignified accommodation that have occurred on and around UCT campus
in the past month, giving rise directly to the present climate of
protest. We are dismayed when the unfortunate destruction of the work of
Tata Keresemose is instrumentalised by white critics who never knew or
cared about him or any other Black artist before, precisely to
legitimise their reactionary framing of Black protest as barbaric,
senseless and violent. Despite the fact that he may not agree with the
present modes of protest, we welcome Tata Keresemose’s continued support
for the student movements for decolonisation in the Mail & Guardian
today.