The majority vote for him, so you won't see the same people rising against him.
That may not be true. And if it's not true, the disenfranchised majority will rise up in an Arab Spring.
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The majority vote for him, so you won't see the same people rising against him.
It doesn't have to be mentioned but the attitude is clear and not new.Umm.. Who mentioned race.
Well given the results they really didn't do a good job of that.
Thats what you want to believe, reality cannot compute up there can it?The majority vote for him, so you won't see the same people rising against him.
It doesn't have to be mentioned but the attitude is clear and not new.
http://nehandaradio.com/2013/08/16/15-main-reasons-why-elections-were-rigged-tsvangirai/
If that is anything to go by.
http://www.bdlive.co.za/africa/afri...tsvangirais-evidence-of-zimbabwe-voting-fraudDoubts about Tsvangirai’s evidence of Zimbabwe voting fraud
BY RAY NDLOVU, AUGUST 15 2013, 10:50
The MDC-T’s push to audit the voting information held by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) has raised questions over its initial claims that it had evidence in its possession showing that Mr Mugabe had fraudulently won the July 31 election.
Wednesday’s application was heard in chambers, and was not finalised at the time of writing.
Mr Tsvangirai has rejected the election results as a "huge farce" and "null and void". His quick dismissal of the election has, however, failed to convince the Southern African Development Community and the African Union, a stance which has left Mr Tsvangirai on his own in his bid to overturn Mr Mugabe’s win.
Mr Mugabe won 61% against Mr Tsvangirai’s 33% of the 3.4-million votes cast.
President Jacob Zuma urged Mr Tsvangirai to "produce evidence" of poll manipulation following his protests.
Douglas Mwonzora, MDC-T spokesman, said the party was compiling a dossier which would detail the poll irregularities. The dossier would expose the high numbers of assisted voters, the turning away of voters in urban areas (perceived MDC-T strongholds), the contracted services of Nikuv International Projects, an Israeli-linked firm, in compiling the electoral register, and the extensive use of fake voter registration slips on voting day.
Trevor Maisiri, senior analyst at the Johannesburg office of the International Crisis Group, said the court action showed the party had not put in place an evidence-gathering mechanism during the election process, as it had been lulled into a false sense of security and expected to win. "Some information requested from the ZEC they should have gathered through their polling agents. So whatever case they have in their constitutional court challenge does not seem to have adequate independent evidence, hence their need to rely on ZEC to release its figures," he said.
"Alternatively, if the MDC had evidence they would have provided the courts with that and then requested that ZEC provides the constitutional court with its own version of evidence for the court to make a judgment. However, what the MDC-T is requesting is that the party be given the evidence by the ZEC for it to then file it at the courts against the ZEC itself."
Justice Chinembiri Bhunu presided over the case on Wednesday.
Lawyer Tawanda Zhuwarara said Judge Bhunu had ordered all pleadings in the presidential election petition to be filed by the end of business on Friday, and the case to be heard on Saturday.
Not sure what you mean. 2/3rds majority?
http://www.bdlive.co.za/africa/afri...st-take-much-of-the-blame-for-election-defeatNEWS ANALYSIS: Tsvangirai must take much of the blame for election defeat
BY RAY NDLOVU AND SHYLET SHUMBA, AUGUST 05 2013, 08:46
WHEN Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) president Morgan Tsvangirai sits down to take stock of what went wrong during the just-ended elections, a significant portion of the blame could be found at his own doorstep.
Those in the know say Mr Tsvangirai, apart from his sexual escapades, which the ruling Zanu (PF) harped on during its campaign, was increasingly becoming dictatorial and surrounded himself with a "kitchen cabinet" that hardly said "no" to him.
The party, they say, has been on a downward slope ever since it joined the unity government. He is said to have largely contributed to the "Zanufication" of the MDC-T when he amended the party’s constitution to allow him to stand for a third term.
In addition, he failed to deal with the growing factionalism in the party and spent more time fighting court battles he knew he would never win because of a partisan judiciary.
Instead of taking advantage of the party’s significant role in improving the Zimbabwean economy and canvassing more support in the countryside, Mr Tsvangirai spent a great deal of time outside the country lobbying the region, the European Union and the US to help him. He looked more like a junior partner in a coalition that he was supposed to drive as prime minister.
Even junior Zanu (PF) ministers, their deputies, police, intelligence and army generals defied him at every opportunity.
"Zanu (PF) leaders spent their energy electioneering rather than governing and were more effective at mobilising their supporters," said Prof Michael Bratton of the University of Michigan. "This was especially true in the rural areas, where two-thirds of the population live, and where the election was decided."
Another MDC source, who declined to be named, said Mr Mugabe’s tactic was to push Mr Tsvangirai to deal with "inconsequential" issues while his party recovered and started regaining credibility among the voters. "He (Mr Tsvangirai) had run out of ideas," the MDC-T source said.
"Those close to him didn’t help. They were busy cementing their positions and accumulating wealth, just like their Zanu (PF) counterparts. They kept telling him everything was fine when it was not."
The result was that Mr Tsvangirai became aloof and dictatorial, and he shunned key allies with whom he had begun the struggle to remove Mr Mugabe.
Although this might sound like an exaggerated description of a man largely credited with being Mr Mugabe’s first real opposition, a brief look at the politics in the Manicaland province of Zimbabwe, could absolve his critics. In 2008 the MDC-T won all seats in a province that bore the brunt of the liberation struggle because of its proximity to Zanu bases in Mozambique. The MDC-T also won all urban local authorities.
But soon after that victory, the MDC-T leadership in the province became embroiled in factional fights that seemed to have the hidden blessings of factions in Harvest House, the party’s head office in the capital Harare. The MDC-T sources talk passionately about pro-Tsvangirai and pro-Biti factions. (Tendai Biti is the party’s general secretary.)
Although both leaders refused to acknowledge the existence of these factions, this division is said to have filtered down to the provinces and was quite evident during the elections. Addressing a campaign rally in Mutare, women’s assembly leader Theresa Makone, a key ally of Mr Tsvangirai and reported to be part of the "kitchen cabinet" together with her husband Ian, lashed out at the MDC-T’s South African-based treasurer, Roy Bennett, for most of the problems rocking their party.
She accused him of "paying" some party members. "I put the whole blame on Roy Bennett who paid these people money to come back to the party after joining Welshman Ncube," she said.
"Bennett should have let them go. They are just like leopards and have not changed their spots. They are at it again. They want to destroy our party and we will not allow that."
Ms Makone said the party had one leader and that was Mr Tsvangirai. " You do not fight him in public even if he is wrong. You cannot take your leader head-on in public like what some of you are doing. There is gross indiscipline in Manicaland, and we will deal with that after the elections.
"We have some elements with an agenda to scuttle the struggle for change. They have an agenda to split the MDC-T again. They want to repeat what they did in 2005 when Welshman Ncube split the party.
"These people are working with some people at the top who are dreaming of taking over from Tsvangirai. They must forget that, we will not salute anyone other than Tsvangirai. He will serve two more terms ."
Mr Bennett laughed off the accusations, but Ms Makone’s rants are quite scary coming from a party wanting Mr Mugabe to go for having overstayed his welcome. For his part, Mr Tsvangirai imposed Mavambo-Kusile-Dawn leader and former finance minister Simba Makoni and his close ally Giles Mutsekwa as parliamentary candidates in Manicaland, crudely removing provincial executive committee members who had already registered as candidates. The move that sparked a conflict with the province’s leadership.
"Is there any wonder why we lost almost all the seats in Manicaland?" the source said.
It is true Mr Tsvangirai faced monumental external hurdles in his third quest to dislodge Mr Mugabe. The playing field was not level. But in mature democracies, real democrats usually call it quits when they fail to deliver three times in a row. Even once. Never mind the circumstances.
Mr Tsvangirai says he will stay on as party president. " So far, I have the full backing of the national council, I have the full backing of the people of Zimbabwe ."
Ja, plus Israel is heavily funded by the US which happens to be very opposed to the elections' outcome.That Nikuv company sounds like a shady bunch:
http://mg.co.za/article/2013-08-16-00-mdcs-naive-nikuv-dealings
Surely Morgan could ask on Israel to investigate the company for any shady dealings? It would reflect poorly if they aren't the first to investigate,
They have made it clear they will not ease any restrictions unless he/ZANU goes. They will will never allow a successful Zim under this regime.
Transport companiesI wonder who would still be silly enough to have a company in Zim.
Transport companies
Zim has some of the world's best platinum (and other resources) reserves, if they go other firms will scramble to claim them.The foreign owned firms should call his bluff and pull out. Let the country implode completely and then rebuild it from scratch. As it now is it is not salvageable.