The Zuma era

that is what i meant, compared to the armageddon everybody thought it would be

We are only about 6 months in. I don't mean to be negative but that's early days yet.

Then again, I'm not exactly thrilled to be honest. There are many, many small simple steps that should have already been taken to improve the country over all. Like basic logic stuff here, not rocket science. The fact that we're over the aids-denial era is NOTHING to jump up and down about. That was nothing but a disgrace to begin with. Any government with half a collective braincell should have realised that. The way I see things happening currently from Zuma's side is basically: "Guys, please. Carry on as you were just don't get caught for goodness sake. It's making [-]me[/-], err, us look bad."
 
Same show, new puppets


Service delivery flopped, Malema harping, Critical infrastructure flopped one after the other. SABC, SAA, ESKOM,TELKOM etc etc

Murder rate higher then Iraq.

However, we are hoping.

Murder rate higher than Iraq ? I assume you mean war time Iraq ? (The middle east has extremely low murder rates out of war times) What are you smoking ?

Why do South Africans just let these urban myths slip off their tongues as if facts ? Silly.
 
in a nut shell

Zuma:
All talk
Rewards allies that got him there


Fortunately, those that got him there are a little smarter than the rest and some progress is being made. But when I look around, i see the highways upgrade, BRTS, the new trains and 2010 - All in mbeki's legacy (with the bad too...).

Once these are completed, I'll see what zuma REALLY does that will make him remembered. It's too soon now, but give it 2 years and either it'll be better, or all falling apart.
 
Murder rate higher than Iraq ? I assume you mean war time Iraq ? (The middle east has extremely low murder rates out of war times) What are you smoking ?

Why do South Africans just let these urban myths slip off their tongues as if facts ? Silly.

Im aware, that the middle east has extremely low murder rates out of war times. But when last was Iraq out of war?

Even With the suicide bombers every few weeks, we still have a higher murder rate.

Go take our annual murder figure, divide by 365 and you will see that we have more murders then Iraq, currently a very volatile country to be in.

Why do South Africans comment before they think or search for the facts to verify? Silly
 
Far too soon to tell; Zuma's term is 5 years, he's only been in for about 6 months.
 
Facts get in the way of a good rant.


http://www.news24.com/Content/MyNew...26-11-2009-07-26/Bring_back_the_death_penalty

There is a discussion about bringing back the death penalty based on



There follows pages of comments saying "yes bring it back like you promised" and "why have you broken your word" -

yet at no time did JZ ever promise to bring back the death penalty.

Jacob Zuma has made it clear that in a democracy, and in particular one where the issue of crime is so high on the agenda, a referendum on the death penalty may well take place.

The people want the referendum as he promised.

Not sure what you are on about.
 
This is what he said -

he wouldn't block a referendum on reinstating the death penalty if there was a popular call to conduct such a poll, even though the Constitutional Court abolished it in 1995.

`It was abolished by the Constitutional Court, right, for very good, cogent arguments,'' Zuma said. ``But there are people who argue that, whilst nobody has a right to take anybody's life, criminals do. What do you do with them? And they say, well bring the death penalty. If people make that call, we can't stop them.'' ( calling for a referendum )


or another version -

He said if he became president he might persuade the ANC to consider opening a debate on whether a referendum on the reintroduction of the death penalty was needed.

Here's another comment from 2003 -

In response to recent suggestions that a review of the death penalty should be conducted in South Africa, South African Deputy President Jacob Zuma has said that the law is clear on the subject matter and the answer is no

And finally the full context of what was said -

Zuma told the Financial Times last week that because South Africa was a democratic country, differing views could not be suppressed.

"I say, if there is sufficient majority that says so, we should have a referendum on the matter," he told the newspaper.

In a statement issued on Monday, he said these remarks had been misrepresented in the media.

He said the ANC was opposed to capital punishment, but it would be difficult for the party to tell people they could not debate the issue of a referendum.

However, a debate would not change the fact that the ANC's policy and the Constitution remained very clear on the right to life of every South African.

"We who believe in this view should be ready to defend it through engagement and persuasion, not through denying others a platform to state their views."


A suggestion to consider a referendum is at best what was offered - if this created expectations that he would bring back the death penalty then people need to get real.

The ANC's stance ( and remember that the party is bigger than its leader ) is
from the party's secretary general Gwede Mantashe.

Mantashe's remarks, made at a Centre for Conflict Resolution seminar in Cape Town, follow last week's statement by party president Jacob Zuma that a referendum should be held if enough South Africans wanted it.

"If we hold a referendum, I can tell you now we'll campaign against it," Mantashe said. "That's how strong the ANC feels about it."

He told the South African Press Association that Zuma had said if people wanted to raise the issue of a referendum, they should do so.

"He didn't say 'I support the opening of death penalty debate'," Mantashe said.

Asked what he thought the result of a referendum would be, he said that was a hypothetical question.

"The problem with society in South Africa is that you can make predictions on the basis of the elite that has access to means of communication; they phone in talk shows, and you can think this is the dominant view.

"But if you go to the actual people on the ground, they hate it with passion."



So everyone may as well forget about it - it's never going to come back. Or at least not until the Second Coming.
 
I just didn't realise that anyone took electioneering talk at face value.

Miss World doesn't want to help children either.
 
I believed that he is a dictator ....

time will prove I am right.

You're right.

He's was/is the "deployer" of the sacp/anc cadres to strategic positions.

Another perspective on why we support Jacob Zuma?

Introduction

The prime assertion has been that the movement is divided between “those that support comrade Zuma and those that support comrade Mbeki.” This factionalism is said to have evolved with the pre-events Polokwane. As a youth structure of the SACP and alliance partner within the broader tripartite alliance the Young Communist League has demonstrated its position by showing its unapologetic support for Comrade Jacob Zuma.

COSATU, SACP and ANCLY has followed or showed the road for this stand taken by our organisation. Pre and post Polokwane all these structures have shown support for Comrade Zuma, against not just President Mbeki but anyone who wants to be the president of the ANC or the republic. It is important to note that it is too late for those that are still looking for position of ANC president; as a matter of fact they have seen that and are now trying to provide us with alternative individuals for the Country’s presidency. We have noted that comrade Zuma is irreplaceable or to paraphrase comrade Vavi, Comrade Zuma’s presidency is an “unstoppable Tsunami”.

The purpose of this paper is to provide or add on the reasons why we support comrade Zuma. It provides a different perspective by saying that comrade Zuma ascendance to power is part of an ongoing struggle within the ANC and the Movement in general. It shows that cde JZ’s ascendance to power is more of a bottom-up thing in as much as it is a top-down movement therefore demonstrating the long-established democracy within the movement.

Some reasons on why we support cde Zuma

Many reasons have been given as to why we support comrade Zuma rather than president Mbeki or any other individual or group. Jeremy Cronin has outlined the statement that we make when we try to demonstrate our support for comrade Zuma:

“Frequently used concepts have included the presumption of innocence; the right to a fair trial; “justice delayed is justice denied”; protection against the invasion of privacy; the need for the separation of powers; and the condemnation of the abuse of political office and the blurring of party and state institutions” ( Cronin, 2007, Joe Slovo – Democracy and Socialism).

To round off all these try to show that there is a COSPIRACY against cde JZ. Cronin as expected of him does not dismiss these stance, but try to locate them in the Marxist pool of ideas. He state;

“Our Marxist tradition has understood politics to be essentially about conflict, antagonism, relations of power, and forms of subordination and repression and the struggle against these” (Cronin, 2007).

Because it is written by a Marxist, this paper used this analysis. It shows it clear that our support for comrade Zuma and his ascendancy to presidency (be it ANC or country) is mainly because of an ongoing power struggle within the MDM structures. Marxism was never reductionist, that why we talk of dialectical materialism. This serves to say that we cannot reduce our support for cde JZ into saying we support him because he is a victim of CONSPIRACY and so on.

Yes indeed cde Zuma is a victim of conspiracy and the Nicholson Judgement demonstrates this clearly. Even though there have been debates, I dont think the should be a debate about that matter, epecially to those comrades who knows the working of the movement. Comrades would know that some comrades would do anything to get or conserve power, but this is never showned in the mainstream, it is called negative campaigning. One PAC comrade once said, “ Those that support Zuma know that he might be guilty, therefore dont want the trial to continue, but those that support Mbeki know that he had influence in the prosecution of Zuma but dont want to admit it for campaign purposes.” This statement is exagerated but it teaches us that people that hate Zuma don’t do so mainly because they think he is guilty but do it for other reasons.

I am not implying that the argument of conspiracy is the only one provided, there are many others. Some state that cde Zuma is a good leader; made many sacrifices for the revolution; he is cde of collective leadership so he will listen to the alliance; cde Zuma has always kept his SACP membership. There are many other reasons but the one which says that we support cde Zuma because we want to get rid of president Mbeki is very stupid. If that’s the case why didn’t we support cde Tokyo or Ramaphosa when they tried to squeeze themselves in for the presidency of the ANC? Our support cde Zuma is unique and cannot be reduced to one explanation.

The Deployee versurs the Deployer

These might be the reason why the left support comrade JZ. But what is primary is that cde Zuma has been a face of an ongoing struggle within the ANC. This struggle is between those comrades that are deployed in government and those that are not. Those that are not deployed have been feeling betrayed by those that are in government. When comrades get into these positions they begin to think that they are beyond the organisation. They don’t carry the mandate of the organisation and undermine the same organisation that has deployed them.

It would take a book to describe the attitudes and behaviour of these political thugs.

Representing the left with the movement COSATU and the SACP (including YCL) are the most the most affected. From local to national, these comrades undermine the views and aspirations of us, in what some might see as political marginalisation. This is understandable (but intolerable) of them as they also undermine the policies of the ANC. These comrades (now constituting government) have for example taken a neoliberal route in terms of development. They have excluded socialism when talking about the National Democratic Revolution. Whereas we know inasmuch as the ANC knows that the National Democratic Revolution has always been socialist in character, because you cannot reach its objectives under capitalism. They have been giving tilted definitions of the NDR. The SACP 2005 discussion document classified this as the 1996 class project within the ANC. It is therefore clear that this project is pushing a neoliberal agenda and inasmuch as we know that was not the mandate. From a national view point; GEAR and ASGISA demonstrate this clearly. This project existed even when comrade JZ was deputy president of the country and the ANC. Cde JZ did not agree with its methods and that’s why it became hostile towards him.

These actions led to us (the neglected left) to launch a campaign which seeks to clear these thugs out of our government so that loyal comrades should take over. Comrades within the ANC followed us in this regard. It should be clear that we want to clean our government from local to national level. This is why the base of our struggle is the municipality more than it is national. There are lazy, neoliberal mayors and councillors who believe that the market will do everything. So it is clear that they are acting in a similar way to President Mbeki and his cronies. I never liked a councillor or a mayor.

We have been trying to clear these political thugs out of these positions. I am talking from a branch, regional level, provincially and nationally. This struggle has been occurring even before comrade Zuma was unreasonably fired as the Deputy President of the Country. So with his firing we made him a national face of our long on-going struggle. I therefore admit the mere fact that there are factions within the movement. In contrast those political thugs that support Mbeki are those deployed in government. Almost all mayors’, cabinet ministers, MEC’s side with Mbeki. These political thugs want to protect their current positions. Even Mbeki wanted to do that but failed.

From this understanding it is clear that our support for cde Zuma is a bottom-up thing rather than a top down thing as some comrades would like us to believe. Cde Nzimande, Vavi, Manamela, Masondo (and others leading the left) do not support comrade Zuma for careerist purposes as many people would have us believe. Vavi don’t support Zuma because he wants a cabinet position as many would like us to believe. He supports him because he is leading the movement of the betrayed which have an aim of replacing all the betrayers. We don’t support cde Zuma because we have been promised (or want) government jobs, but we support him because we see that the people in those jobs have betrayed us. Honestly speaking, we have seen that it is only us who can fill those portfolios so that we lead this country to socialism.

To conclude, comrade Jacob Gezeyhlekisa Zuma is a national face of our long on going struggle within the ANC and broader alliance which is in power. This argument should not be read as saying cde Zuma is politically weak and the left is using him. It means the people’s camp (as Cronin would say) has identified him as the key leader of it’s progressive long ongoing struggle within the ANC.

Luzuko Buku (Jazzman) is Chairperson of YCL Rhodes (Unacceptable name) University Brach. He is also Secretary of ANCYL Rogers Faltein Branch. http://reds.blat.co.za/
 
Jacob Zuma: his SACP autobiography

Jacob Zuma: his SACP autobiography

Paul Trewhela introduces Zuma's only known autobiography, written in exile


Some major truths about the life of Jacob Zuma emerge from a brief autobiography which he wrote for the South African Communist Party during the 1980s - the sole known piece of autobiographical writing by the future president of South Africa, which he wrote in exile in the 1980s when the ANC was a banned and illegal organisation.

At the time of writing he was a member of the Central Committee of the SACP, had received military training in the Soviet Union and - at the time of a subsequent note, dated 1989 - was Head of Intelligence in the ANC's feared Department of Intelligence and Security, known as NAT. By this time he had been a member of the SACP and of Umkhonto weSizwe, the ANC's military wing, for well over 20 years, ten years of which he had served in prison on Robben Island.

He writes in this short statement about his association in prison and after his release with the Zulu-speaking Stalinist leader of the SACP and subsequent ANC warlord in KwaZulu-Natal, Harry Gwala.

Zuma played a crucial role in the period leading up to the 1994 general election in winning support among isiZulu-speakers in KwaZulu-Natal for the ANC's constitutional negotiations, in opposition to Gwala's bloodthirsty militarism.

A chilling recollection of the warfare of those times was provided recently in the Sunday Times in an article, "Long road to recognition", by the columnist Fred Khumalo, the second in an informative three-part series on Zuma's life, which draws on Zuma's short autobiography.

Khumalo recalls being present at a funeral in KwaZulu-Natal in the early 1990s for ANC members who had been killed by members of the Inkatha Freedom Party, when Gwala, the final speaker, "noted bitterly that 'while we are burying comrades who have been killed by the dogs, Nelson (Mandela) is busy sipping tea with Gatsha (Buthelezi)'", and concluded: "When the Inkatha dogs come for us, should we then give them Bibles? No, let's give them isigwagwagwa (a colloquial term for war)".

Zuma's work at that time in bringing reconciliation - of a sort - between Zulu-speaker and Zulu-speaker was and is a significant source of his support in KwaZulu-Natal and elsewhere, in the conflict for the presidency of the ANC (and the State) between him and his former comrade and rival, the isiXhosa-speaker, Thabo Mbeki.

Zuma's autobiography appears as one of three written by SACP members in exile which were published in July 2007 in the second issue of a South African political magazine, Molotov Cocktail, edited by James Sanders, author of Apartheid's Friends (John Murray, London, 2006, a history of the South African apartheid state security forces and, to a lesser extent, those of the ANC). Issue number two of Molotov Cocktail is available here - PDF), with Zuma's autobiography appearing on pages 27 and 28.

The main body of Zuma's autobiography is dated 2 May 1985, two months before the ANC national conference at Kabwe in Zambia, its last such conference before its return from exile in 1990. The most damaging series of events in the ANC in exile had happened only a year previously, with a pro-democracy mutiny of almost 90 percent of the ANC's trained troops in Angola in February and May 1984, directed largely against the brutality and dictatorial methods of "NAT", the ANC's security department, of which Zuma was a member.

The previous front-line commanders of NAT, such as Mzwandile Piliso and Andrew Masondo, were then relieved of their office at the time of the conference at Kabwe, as part of a cosmetic damage-limitation exercise, and Zuma and two colleagues, Joe Nhlanhla and Sizakele Sigxashe, installed in their place.

By the time of a further addition to his biography, dated 1989, Zuma had been head of counter-intelligence in the ANC for several years. Over this period he was ultimately responsible as the most senior ranking officer in NAT (counter-intelligence) for the arrest and detention in Lusaka, Zambia, of the Umkhonto commander in charge of military operations in KwaZulu-Natal, Thami Zulu (real name, Muziwakhe Ngwenya), who died of poisoning five days after his release from 17 months' detention by Zuma's department. Both the mutiny in the ANC in Angola in 1984 and the interrogation and death by poisoning of Thami Zulu are discussed by Khumalo in his article in the Sunday Times.

Zuma has never given any accounting for what took place under his authority over this period.

There are significant gaps in Zuma's autobiography in Molotov Cocktail. Most noticeable is the absence of any reference to any training received as head of intelligence in iMbokodo ("the grindstone", the grim nickname among ANC members for Zuma's department) from a Soviet or Soviet-type secret police department.

East Germany - the German Democratic Republic, the GDR) - was the principal base in the former Soviet bloc for the training in security and intelligence of organisations such as the ANC, or state services such as the Mukhabarat of the Ba'ath party dictator, Saddam Hussein, in Iraq. The GDR secret police, the Stasi, had responsibility for this training.

This took place for members even at the lowest levels in ANC security. It would be surprising if the Stasi did not provide higher grade training for more senior officers, especially at head of department level.

This is shown in the autobiography written for the SACP by Vusi Mavimbela (ANC pseudonym "Klaus Maphepha", SACP pseudonym "Themba"), printed alongside the autobiographical statement by Jacob Zuma in the same issue of Molotov Cocktail, on page 28.

There, Mavimbela states: "In 1977 I went to Angola where I did six plus three months of military training. In 1978 I went to a party school [almost certainly in the Soviet Union - PT]for ten months. In 1979 I went to the GDR for three months to do a course in the provision of security."

Zuma, in a far more senior post by comparison with Mavimbela, by contrast makes no mention about his own training in security. Zuma also does not explain what were the issues in the "serious ideological battle" among the political prisoners on Robben Island, as he describes it, in which he clearly had a major role. Nor does he indicate who were the proponents of the different positions in the debate.

His SACP cover name was "Pedro". Zuma's euphemistic term for the SACP, "the family", was standard in the party from at least as early as when I also joined it in the early 1960s. Terms such as "labour theory" (the labour theory of value) and "M/L theory" (marxist-leninist theory) refer to standard training in the marxist thought structure of the SACP. "PMC" refers to the Political Military Committee in the command structures of Umkhonto weSizwe.

The text as it appears here, taken from Molotov Cocktail, is published as Zuma wrote it in English, which is not his first language.

The document is not cited as a source by Jeremy Gordin in his Zuma: A Biography (Jonathan Ball, 2008), and does not appear to have been used by the author.

Continued below.
 
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF JACOB ZUMA, AS WRITTEN FOR THE SACP

(1) Family name: Pedro.

(2) Age: 46.

(3) Sex: Male.

(4) Race: African.

(5) Level of Education: Self educated up to Junior Certificate.

(6) Class background: worker.

(7) Political or special education:

Had political ed. at the beginning of 1960's. Began with Labour Theory and General politics with emphasis on our struggle, and late I was put in study group where we were taught M/L theory. In 1978 I received military training in the Soviet Union.

(8) Date of joining the family: 1963.

Deployment in the fraternal org.: NAT (Head of Int.).

QUESTIONNAIRE (1989, Apr.)

Name: Pedro.

Age: 46 years.

Sex: Male.

Educational Level: Form III.

Political or Military Education: yes.

Past Occupation: Clerk/ordinary worker.

Present Occupation: NAT full-time functionary.

When did you join the Party: 1962.

Pedro's biography - 2/5/85

I was born in 1942 at Nkandla area. This is the area where my father (Gginamazmi Zuma) comes from. It is situated at the centre of Zululand.

I'm the first born from my father's second wife. My father's first wife had 7 children. Of these, 3 were boys and 4 were girls. From my mother we are 5. Of these, 3 are boys and 2 are girls.

My mother (Nokubhekisisa, Bessie Zuma) comes from Maphumulo area. This area is situated between Stenger and Kranskop.

Our father died whilst we were still very young, particularly we from the second wife. I in fact never saw him. The death of my father resulted in my mother leaving the Nkandla area for Maphumulo area. At Maphumulo she started working as a domestic worker.

Shortly after this she went to Durban where she continued to work as a domestic worker. Her going to Durban from after us. But she of course, did not get a better pay.

The death of my father and the fact that my mother was not in control of the situation in many ways, led to my being not in a position to go to school. Though she wanted me to receive education, but it became impossible. During this time I was not staying in one place; I was moving from one area to another, But spent more time with her in Durban.

Because of the situation I started working at my early age at this time. Not yet registered, but as a small boy working in tea-rooms, shops and doing domestic work. This was an attempt to help my mother who was pulling hard in life.

It was at my early age that I started to feel the problems of life. They manifested themselves through the family situation. During mid 50's I started to see public meeting organized by the ANC. At the same time my brother was is the first from my father's first wife was an active member of the ANC. He used to talk a lot at home about the ANC and the struggle. At this time I got influenced politically.

In 1958 I joined the ANC and the ANC Youth League. But at this time my activities consisted mainly of my attending public meetings of the organizations. In 1959 I joined SACTU. Again here I was not very active at the beginning. I was mainly attending public meeting.

However, between 1958 & 59 together with my brother who was in the ANC long before me we organized and influenced an anti-pass campaign in the Noxamalala district falling under the Nkandla area. We took advantage of the fact that the chief of the Noxamalala area was our clan brother (chief Vusumbango Zuma). As a result of the trust and confidence this chief had my brother and myself, I ended up attending many meetings called by him to receive and discuss his reports on what the government was saying on the Bantustan policy. In these meeting was specifically able to influence the chief and his people.

In 1961 became involved in the discussions organized by SACTU in the Durban area. In the heart of these discussions was the labour theory. And other generalized political discussions. These discussions were one of the most important development in the Durban area.

In 1962 I was introduced to a political study group in the area where I stayed, i.e. Cato Manor (Mkhumbane). During the same year (1962) I was recruited into MK. In 1963 I was recruited into the SACP. But this time the MK activities took up a lot of time, as a result there was very little done regarding the party work. It was not long after this that I got arrested in June 1963. I was arrested in the Transvaal on my way out of the country for military training. I was then detained under 90 days detention law. And later sentenced to 10 years, which I spent on Robben Island prison.

Whilst on the Island prison I served in a number of responsible positions in the ANC structures. These include being a group leader at different times and in different cells (places where we were staying), being PRO (Public Relations Officer), cell leader and being the chairman of the political committee, which was one of the responsibilities I had towards the end of my sentence, until I left the Island.

Soon after the arrival on the Island, I was among the few Cdes; from Natal who initiated some political study groups. With time these study groups became a serious bone of contention; and resulted in a serious ideological battle.

Regarding the party situation whilst I was on the Island there was nothing much that happened. I approached one party Cde (H.T. Gwala) with an aim to find as to what was supposed to be the position. I explained my position to him which I assumed he knew on the basis that he also came from the same province. His response was that he was going to consult.

Indeed after some time he came back and said that the whole question of how the party was going to function was being considered. And that at that time he was still observing the developments around the political study group which has been mentioned above.

When the ideological problem arose of which I was also deeply involved, I was told that the situation had become even more difficult. And that it had become more necessary that some of us should not be exposed. I appreciated this position because the problem had indeed affect to some degree the party Cdes in terms of the approach to some questions relating to our struggle in general.

In 1974 shortly after my release from prison I was among the few cdes who took the initiative of reviving the ANC underground in the Natal area. In this process again cde H.T Gwala played an important role. He was one of the most experienced leader in the area, and one of the most politically clear and ready to work at any level of the movement. In the Durban area I was the main person coordinating our underground activities.

During this time cde Gwala's idea was that after establishing a firm ANC underground through out Natal, the process of further re-organising the party will have to be vigorously worked on. This was again interrupted by the fact that an arrest which included cde Gwala took place. This very arrest led to my leaving the country in December 1975 to Swaziland.

When I came to Swaziland I immediately joint the collective that was in charge of the internal work. Early in 1976 I secretly entered into the country to re-establish contact with some cdes in the Durban area and its surroundings. This was done without problems. Few months thereafter I was detained by the Swazi police with two other cdes. This arrest was precipitated by the arrest and murder of cdes Joseph (Mkhuzi) Mdluli in Durban Lamontville. We were then deported to Mocambique where I immediately started working until now at the time of writing this biography.

In the year 1977 I was co-opted into the national executive committee (NEC) of the ANC. And since then I have been given various responsibilities by the ANC. But all have been mainly related to the internal work. These included serving in the Natal military machinery, ordinance department, deputy chief representative in Maputo, member of the political committee responsible for T.Q., secretary of the senior organ, and later member of the PMC & P.H.Q.

In 1978 I received my training in the Soviet Union. The training took a period of 3 months. It was called leadership course. In 1977 I was also incorporated in the party. Before my incorporation I was asked to give an account of my participation in the party which I did. And part of what I said is reflected herein above. And I have participated in the work of the other party in this area since then up to now.

by Pedro

Source: Molotov Cocktail, issue number 2, July 2007. pp.27-28 http://www.politicsweb.co.za/politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/page71619?oid=126327&sn=Detail

:rolleyes:
 
I was referring to those ' advanced ' species who can type a vaguely coherent sentence and post it on the net.

If anyone has evolved to that extent they should know better.

But of course I could be very wrong.
 
I was referring to those ' advanced ' species who can type a vaguely coherent sentence and post it on the net.

If anyone has evolved to that extent they should know better.

But of course I could be very wrong.

It seems so, judging from the comments.
 
Last edited:
Top
Sign up to the MyBroadband newsletter
X