You are exhibiting bad form Tassidar, by trying to illustrate your point through anecdoctal evidence, which you know very well cannot be verified. Furthermore, such anecdoctal evidence does not mean that it is universally the case.![]()
Let's say that you're not lying about any of this since you clearly won't be proving proof of your allegations. Any company that employes a token in such a crucial position deserves what they get.
Another unsubstantiated allegation. Let's please refrain from making wild statements like these without providing proof guys please.
And......Member of the rulling party????? I'm not sure what you're on about, but have a look at this.
https://www.saica.co.za/default.asp?redir=%2FDisplayContent%2Easp%3FContentpageID%3D231
Fair enough, I accept that my statement was anecdotal. So let me provide another source, properly researched:
http://secure.financialmail.co.za/07/0119/cover/coverstory.htm
Fights over who should get what contract are happening with growing frequency countrywide. It is a matter of embarrassment to the ANC, a party many members proudly think of in terms of its struggle legacy. That legacy is now being severely undermined, and the party seems paralysed.
The ANC, as the party in government, is centrally involved in dishing out tenders and contracts. The introduction of commercial interests is one factor that is undermining its proud political footing. Another is the "deployment" of ANC comrades to business.
In parliament, 40% of ANC MPS are directors of companies, many owning them outright. Such interests are often in construction and mining. The ANC national executive has several ultra-rich members involved in business or, in the case of several cabinet ministers, whose spouses are business high-flyers.
At the ANC's last national conference five years ago, black economic empowerment (BEE) became ANC policy and engaging in business, to transform the economy, won official recognition as an acceptable revolutionary activity.
Quickly, ANC activists at provincial and local level followed the examples of their national leaders and headed into business.
On a macro level, looking at the redistribution of wealth and opportunities and the growth of black business and ownership, progress has been slow but positive. But the grassroots picture is not a such a pretty one.
Kimberley, for example, is a small city where, after mining, government business is the best game in town. The teacup meeting was not unusual: since 1999, when ANC comrades were first deployed in business, the awarding of tenders has been controversial.
Many ordinary members in the ANC say they got the impression from the start that who got what tender was being brazenly staged by their political seniors. At least two senior public servants left their jobs and landed lucrative outsourcing tenders in a matter of weeks, after being "deployed" to business, activists tell the FM, by the top structures of the party.
There is no scientific measure of how bad corruption in SA really is. Organisations like Transparency International measure corruption on the basis of perceptions through interviews. SA comes out reasonably well, rated the second-least corrupt country in Africa. This might reflect the macro picture of SA's big corporates and government departments. But it is certainly a radical underestimation of what is happening at a micro level in provinces and municipalities.
Motlanthe, in touch with the ANC's nearly 200 branches, has a better view than most. He believes corruption is far worse than anyone imagines.
"This rot is across the board. It's not confined to any level or any area of the country. Almost every project is conceived because it offers opportunities for certain people to make money. A great deal of the ANC's problems are occasioned by this. There are people who want to take it over so they can arrange for the appointment of those who will allow them possibilities for future accumulation," he says.
Members the FM interviewed implied that sending contracts the way of an ANC-linked businessman was frequently legitimised by the notion that doing so was "good for the ANC". Often, it is claimed, the profit will be for the ANC itself - a statement, says Motlanthe, that is far more often false than true.
The ANC has conceded that the acquisition of state power and unprecedented opportunities for its members to acquire wealth have had a corrupting effect and pose fundamental dangers for the organisation.
The admission is contained in the latest version of "The strategy and tactics of the ANC", a document that captures the party's thinking on how to reshape SA society and that has been redrafted ahead of the party's national conference in December. It is the first of several conference discussion documents and gives a good indication of the areas likely to be debated at the December conference, or at its precursor, the ANC national policy conference in July.
WHAT IT MEANS
The blurring of lines between state and party causes concern
Previous solutions are seen to have failed
The issues listed include:
* The involvement of serving politicians in business affairs;
* The relationship between the party and the state (including the undue interference of ANC politicians in government's operational decisions); and
* A plan to modernise the ANC.
http://secure.financialmail.co.za/07/0209/features/gfeat.htm
Eight years ago - at the start of Thabo Mbeki's presidency - the opposite was being encouraged. In a bid to accelerate transformation, a policy of deployment of ANC cadres to "all the levers of power" was advocated, leading to, in practice, the virtual collapse of the distinction between party and state.
If you read these two articles, I think you will find that the more than justify my point.
In this case, I was referring to the general rather than the specific.And......Member of the rulling party????? I'm not sure what you're on about, but have a look at this.