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Still, acting in good faith, we agreed to co-operate with Province in following this route. On 9 October 2007 Province wrote to the Office of the Auditor-General requesting that it assist with the issuing of a compliance certificate for the City Of Cape Town’s housing accreditation (level 1). Over seven months later, on 21 April 2008 the Auditor General wrote back saying “I have duly considered your request however I have to inform you that due to capacity constraints the A-G will not be able to perform the audit.”
We were also prevented by Province from getting a private auditor, because they wanted this to be done under the control of the Auditor-General, whose response was “I also do not have the capacity to contract out the audit to a private firm”. He could not do it and nor could he get anyone else to do it. Talk about Catch 22.
Nearly two months later, on 5 June 2008, the MEC for Local Government and Housing wrote to the City of Cape Town ‘confirming’ the granting of level 1 accreditation, but subject to: the Auditor-General conducting “an assessment of the City’s preparedness for Housing Accreditation and issue[ing] the necessary Compliance Certificate.”
Finally, on 4 February 2009, after repeated requests for action by the City, a meeting was held between the City, Province and the Auditor-General. Mr Holland of the Auditor-General’s office agreed that an assessment of the City’s capacity should be possible, and undertook to come back to us.
After another month, on 12 March, the Auditor-General then wrote to us saying: “the nature of the proposed assignment is not the primary constitutional function of the Auditor-General…and so [the office of the Auditor-General] will not be able to assist in any capacity with the housing accreditation process”. If this is not an intentional delaying tactic on the part of the Provincial Housing Department I don’t know what is.
It took 16 months to get this answer. We could have had a private auditor do the assessment right from the start if Province had allowed for this. But instead they decided to create more obstacles, bringing the total delay on housing accreditation to two years and 6 months. Perhaps the most outrageous thing of all is that Auditors-General in other Provinces have already granted such certificates to certain metros with far less capacity than the City of Cape Town. So why the exception in our case?
This is shameful, and when we take over the Provincial Government, we will put an end to the matter by granting Cape Town housing accreditation on an urgent basis.
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And I have no doubt that we will continue our co-operative governance relations with the more professional administrators in some national departments. We will also be able to do more about the shortage of suitable land for housing in the Eastern Metro region.
The Provincial Government holds over 434ha of vacant former Housing Board land in this area, enough to build between 30 000 and 40 000 units.
The National Housing Act states that former Housing Board land must be transferred to local government for housing development. But Province has refused to do this. Instead, it has started to sell the land to private developers. For example, in Blueberry Hill 75 ha was sold by Province for R18 million. Only 500 low cost units are planned for this project, which could accommodate 7000.
We can put a stop to this, and make the land available for housing. We can also stop the abuse of Cape Town by Province in relation to public transport. The Western Cape Department of Transport has failed on a number of occasions to transfer funds for City transport projects, even where it has signed agreements with the City to do so. In fact, the Province has not transferred any funding for public transport infrastructure since 2005/2006. R20 million that Province was supposed to transfer to the City for infrastructure upgrades along the Klipfontein Corridor has also not materialised, in spite of a signed agreement that this funding would be transferred in 2007/2008.
And there has been no contribution from the Province for safety and security at public transport interchanges for the past 6 years, since 2002/2003. Provincial contributions for 2010 transport projects are also still outstanding. Perhaps the most serious problem created for the City by Province, has been its inability to run the Operating Licence Board, which has resulted in about 10 000 unlicensed taxis operating in Cape Town. This, together with a total failure of law enforcement by Province, has surrendered Cape Town’s public transport to mob rule, factionalism and protection rackets for unlicensed taxi operators.
Most recently the Premier has shown a lack of leadership in response to taxi violence and intimidation. Her safety and security officials failed to arrive for a crucial planning meeting with City officials following threats of disruptions to the elections by taxi bosses.
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The Premier instead sat on the sidelines criticising me for my suggestion that the army could be called upon as a last resort to deal with taxi violence (although I see that in KZN the ANC thinks the army would be the right solution to deal with its political opponents in the IFP).
And I have also learned that the Provincial DG of Transport has been giving incorrect information to the taxi industry around their potential role in IRT (stating that their role is limited to feeder services, when this is not the case). The Province’s poor management of the taxi industry has put National and City 2010 public transport plans in jeopardy, and affects the safety of hundreds of thousands of commuters every day.
If we win the Western Cape, we will ensure that funds owed for public transport infrastructure and security are transferred to the City. And we will massively increase enforcement capacity to deal with taxis, while working with the City on enforcing more stringent laws to bring greater order to the industry. The Province’s level of co-operation with the City on dealing with other crises like drug abuse has also left plenty of room for improvement.
For example, instead of working with the City to shut down drug dens, the Provincial police unlawfully arrested me in Mitchells Plain. Provincial Police Commissioner also spread false allegations that I was associating with ‘terrorist’ organisations. This is unsurprising given that the leadership of SAPS in the Province consists of mainly of redeployed ANC-MK cadres who tend to be more interested in politics than policing.
Province has also stood in the way of the proper implementation of the National Drug Master Plan 2006 – 2011 (NDM). This is another area in which we have worked very well with the national government while being subverted by the Province. The National Drug Master Plan is designed to create a co-operative framework between National, Provincial and Local Governments.
The City has moved to fulfil its role as spelled out in Section 4.5.1 of the NDM, which stipulates that local government must set up Local Drug Action Committees (LDACs), and that these committees must comprise “people from all sectors involved in substance abuse and related problems”. It states further that “local government drives the LDACs in terms of establishment and functioning”. We have proceeded to set up LDACs, which allow community organisations to liaise with City officials, and, in turn, the City officials in the LDACs then liaise with Province: section 4.5.1 states “the local government official responsible for [each] LDAC liaises with the provincial co-ordinator of the Department of Social Development”.
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However, Province has tried to take over this function and has set up parallel structures which have created confusion and disorganisation. It has also failed to set up a functioning Provincial Substance Abuse Forum as it is supposed to in terms of Section 4.4 of the NDM. This has prevented the development of a functional intergovernmental system to fight drug abuse and trafficking in the region.
Instead, its Department of Social Development handed over its function to a body of individuals that seems to be nothing more than a group of cronies. It is not even a registered NPO or NGO.
The Department has transferred millions of rands to these individuals. We have received reports that the ‘chair’ of this body has been ‘awarded’ the contract to conduct ‘training’ for the Province’s own ‘local drug action committees’. The ‘treasurer’ of the body is an ANC councillor from the City of Cape Town. And funds that are supposed to be used for fighting drug abuse are instead being spent on clothes and other goodies for random distribution.
I can go on, but I think this answers the ANC’s question. I am not neglecting the interests of the City of Cape Town by campaigning against the ANC in the next elections. I am still putting in more than the number of hours for City work required in law. And I am actively trying to ensure that the Provincial Government is no longer abused to interfere with and undermine the City of Cape Town for the ANC’s narrow political interests.
I thank you.”